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The concept of well being has become the main criterion to assess quality of
life in contemporary society. Individual well-being describes the individual
quality of life, while social well-being refers to quality of life in a
society. Given that well-being has a multitude of dimensions, a unique
definition of it is elusive to scholars. In this article social well-being is
conceptualised as a dynamic process within the context set by social
integration as one?s relationship to society and the community. This includes
the quality of interaction between the individual and society and one?s
?social actualisation? understood as the realisation of one?s social
capacities. Social actualisation also involves one?s ability to influence
social processes and to benefit from social cohesion, which consists, in any
society, of the quality, organisation and functioning of the social world.
Hence the ability to impact society is an integral part of individual well
being. This paper suggests that philosophical practice as a new paradigm in
the humanities holds out promise for the improvement of both individual and
social well-being.

Pitanja o ljudskim pravima se danas diskutuju pre svega u kontekstu individualnih prava, kao suprotstavljenih kolektivnim interesima. U skladu sa dugom liberalnom političkom tradicijom, ljudska prava se uglavnom sagledavaju kao suštinski protivna kolektivnim pravima, koja mogu ograničiti slobodu pojedinca da pravi izbore koji bi mogli ugroziti relevantne kolektivne interese. U ovom tekstu se ljudska prava sagledavaju kao izvedena socijalna prava. Kao što priroda i identitet zajednice kojoj pojedinac pripada bitno određuju identitet tog pojedinca (Agambenov pojam "Socialitas", ili "društvenosti"), individualna prava nemaju puno značenje van konteksta vrednosti, prava i interesa zajednice. Opisani kontekst tek omogućava postojanje autentičnog i čvrstog pojma nacionalnog interesa. Po definiciji, nacionalni interesi su povezani sa kolektivnim pravima i vizijama zajednice; oni nikad ne počivaju na pogledima i stavovima individualnog, izolovanog pojedinca. Jedno od ključnih kolektivnih prava, i u isto vreme kolektivnih interesa, koje konstituiše nacionalni interes je skup prava porodice. U ovom tekstu se argumentiše da odgovarajuća zaštita porodice i porodičnih prava baca senku na samu pretpostavku o moralnosti i političkoj legitimnosti različitih savremenih ideologija, uključujući i feminističku ideologiju, koje sugerišu da, umesto da se štite prava i interesi porodice kao primarni nacionalni interes, država treba da štiti pojedince od porodice. Ideologije koje porodicu predstavljaju kao toksičnu, kao izvor pretnje individualnoj dobrobiti, u stvari su antisocijalne, totalitarne ideologije. Najveći broj argumenata koje takve ideologije iznose protiv porodice u stvari se sa jednakom snagom mogu primeniti protiv socijalnosti bilo kog tipa. Stoga u ovom tekstu argumentujemo da se Agambenov "moralni imperativ" da svaki pojedinac doprinosi, na načine koji su mu na raspolaganju, socijalnosti njegovog društva, odnosi na odgovarajuće razumevanje porodice i treba da se shvati kao sama osnova anti-totalitarnog mišljenja.

The author discusses the relationship between the truth and criminal trial in
general, with a special focus on war crimes trials and their consequences for
the fragile processes of consolidation of violated collective identities in
post-conflict states. The authors challenge the idea that a criminal trial is
a search for the truth, and present a philosophical argument to the effect
that the trial is in fact an event conforming to the model of what the author
calls ?quasi-epistemological games?, rather than the model of an
epistemological engine. The purpose of the trial is quasi-epistemological,
because the model of an epistemological engine entails that the trial is
primarily a search for the truth, while this is not the case with criminal
trials in general, and especially with war crimes trials. He argues that,
while the criminal trial readily invites the truth of the events if it is
discovered, it can be and often is both valid and valuable regardless of
whether ?the truth, the full truth, and nothing but the truth? is discovered
in its course.

The paper deals with prospects of the developing common EU defense
procurement market and policy with a view to strengthening the defense
identity of the European Union as well as to promoting its external profile
and international role. Despite of the European Union?s overall GDP, the
Union is not considered a serious military power. The EU processes of market
integration and rationalization have bypassed European defense industries,
which are fragmented and increasingly losing ground to their American and
some Far East Asian competitors. This has prompted calls for introducing the
supranational defense procurement and defense industry policies. The analysis
focuses on functioning of the European Defense Equipment Market via
application of the EU Code of Conduct on Defense Procurement and reviews EU
prospects for establishment of a single defense market from the policy,
organizational and commercial perspectives. The authors conclude that in the
long run, the voluntary intergovernmental defense procurement regime
established between some EU members will open prospects of cutting national
defense spending, fostering the global competitiveness of the defense
industries of EU member states and building up a respectable military
capacity to additionally support the Common Defense and Security Policy.

By discussing the general philosophy of punishment in its contours, the authors attempt to establish conceptual connections between the philosophical roots of international criminal law for war crimes and reconciliation as an overarching goal of international criminal justice. Reconciliation is discussed in the paper both as a value and as a process and the authors strive to practically underline the issue of the capability of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to actually serve the purpose of reconciliation. The authors conclude that the ITCY suffers from substantial deficiencies in its capability to effect reconciliation, not because it is politically biased, as is often remarked by analysts, but rather because of procedural and substantive legal problems encountered in its operation that shape it as less than an adequate criminal court generally speaking.